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Quotes!

Quotes!
I did not expect that this particular pro European would try to argue against the words of such a leading light in the European movement as Monnet. So I was to say the least, a little surprised to find the old argument resurrected because it has been disproved so many times, not by Eusceptics but by the Euro-federalist themselves that I though they had given up.

But I suppose an old argument is as good as any when the intention is to confuse and misdirect.

Nice quotes - but I suspect you would be the first to complain were I to suggest that all Eurosceptics through the same as Robert Kilroy-Silk. Monnet and Heath are not representative of all pro-Europeans…

It is also worth noting that the drive to Federalism, though certainly initially an aim of some of the originators of the project, has long since been abandoned by all but the most fervent pro-Europeans, except as a very, very vague future ideal - much like the concept of the Federation in Star Trek… A federal European super state simply doesn’t make any sense. In 200, maybe 300 years perhaps, but for not the forseeable future - certainly for our lifetimes, not a hope in hell.

There is no federalist conspiracy. It’s simply too silly an idea under the present realities: no political elites in any of the countries of the EU would be willing to give up their power - as would inevitably have to happen for a Federal Europe to kick off - even if the people were willing to let them.

None of which is borne out by the facts
Here is an earlier quote:
No government dependent upon a democratic vote could possibly agree in advance to the sacrifice, which any adequate plan must involve. The people must be led slowly and unconsciously into the abandonment of their traditional economic defences, not asked to make changes of which they may not at first recognise the advantages themselves.
Design for Freedom, largely written by Peter Thorneycroft MP, 1947

The fusion (of economic functions) would compel nations to fuse their sovereignty into that of a single European State.
Jean Monnet, founder of the European Movement, 3 April 1952

Monnet is one of the most revered EU leaders who set out the details on how the Superstate could be achieved when it became clear that his political union was not going to be accepted by the French government. It is therefore perhaps a little unfair to equate him with RKS and to suggest that he as an arch federalist has the same effect in that direction as RKS has in the other, when everybody accepts that it is his, “Monnet’s Method” which has been the system which has been, and is still being used to forge a federal EU.

The Monnet System it has now been accepted, could be actually standing in the way of further integration as it is becoming increasingly difficult to hide the real reason for the integration. So we now get a slightly different argument that is we must work together etc. but the direction is the same toward a united Europe with one government. This has been and still is the object of the European program everything is directed toward that object and nothing will be allowed to stand in its way. .

Ruth Lea;
In the early 1950s, ministers from the six members of the ECSC drafted a constitution for a new form of democratic government to control the planned European Defence Community (EDC). Monnet had intended that the EDC would be a parallel organisation to the ECSC. This so-called European Political

As the powers of Brussels have progressively increased, so the sovereign powers of the member states have progressively diminished. (And, incidentally, there is no such thing as “ shared or pooled sovereignty” . A country either has sovereignty or it does not and what some politicians refer to as “ shared or pooled sovereignty” is actually “ lost sovereignty” or “delegated sovereignty” .) But there has never been an open and fair debate in the UK about this. There should be one

The history of the EU, and the Britain’s difficult relationship with the EU, is characterised by two main features. Firstly, there has been the ever-increasing European economic and political integration driven by the vision of the Franco- German alliance.
Secondly, there has been incomprehension, partly, and deceit, partly, by the British Government and its civil service right from the “ start” . Doubtless aware that the people would willingly accept nothing more integrationist than a free trade area, pro-EEC politicians of both main parties claimed that the EEC was
little more than just that. It is harder to think of a more grotesque deceit. In addition, there has been the bizarre way in which successive British governments have claimed to be modelling “Europe” along British lines as a Europe of democratic nation states, along with the “Anglo-Saxon” model of running the economy and free trade. Such a vision of Europe has never been on the cards and is most unlikely ever to be on the cards.5 So Britain has been living a partial lie about the EU and the country finds itself in a permanent dilemma about its EU membership.

Community (EPC) would be able to levy taxes and would establish a Common Market.12 The collapse of the EDC, voted down by France (the other five had agreed to it), led to the EPC being shelved.

The argument denying federalism is not supported by EU history which has been a continual move towards a federal EU, every treaty has passed more power to the EEC, EC, and EU. neither is the denial supported by the present day EU elites, so with respect may I suggest that anyone trying to argue against the federalist intentions is going to have to convince not only Eusceptics but the federalist themselves.

In ten years, 80% of the laws on the economy and social policy will be
passed at the European and not the national level. We are not going to
manage to take all the decisions needed between now and 1995 unless we
see the beginnings of a European Government.
Jacques Delors, 1988, to the European Parliament.

We want European Union, the United States of Europe.
Chancellor Kohl, on the fall of the Berlin Wall, 1989.

We’re not here just to make a single market, but a political union.
Jacques Delors, 1993

“The day of the nation state is over.”
Roman Herzog, president of Germany, September 1996
In order to ensure its political future, the European Union must go beyond
the completion of the internal market and the introduction of the single
currency and move towards a real political union.
Resolution of the European Parliament, 22 October 1998

The European Union Treaty introduces a new and decisive stage in the
process of [the] European Union which within a few years will lead to the
creation of what the founding fathers of modern Europe dreamed of after
the war, the United States of Europe.
Chancellor Kohl, on the completion of the Maastricht Treaty, 1992

This Treaty marks a new stage in the process of creating an ever closer
union among the peoples of Europe, where decisions are taken as closely as
possible to the citizens… the process of creating an ever closer Union…in
order to advance European integration.
Treaty on European Union, 1992

If we are to meet this historic challenge, and integrate the new member
states without substantially denting the EU’s capacity for action, we must
put into place the last brick in the building of European integration, namely
political integration…this latest stage of European Union…will depend
decisively on France and Germany.
Joschka Fischer, German Foreign Minister, 12 May 2000

The EU is on the brink of becoming a European federation by the year
2010 although this Europe would not be a purely federal state. I expect no
opposition from Britain. Mr Blair signalled in his Warsaw speech earlier
this month that he wants to participate in shaping Europe and he is a
convinced European. But we have to be realistic. Naturally, Mr Blair has to
work under certain given conditions. A British PM who declared himself in
favour of federation would create huge problems for himself at home.
Nonetheless I feel sure that Britain will fall into line. It is a fact that Britain
has always made its decision on a pragmatic basis when the pragmatic
reasons for a positive step have predominated.
Joschka Fischer, German Foreign Minister, 16 October 2000

The Union stands at a crossroads, a defining moment in its
existence. The unification of Europe is near. At long last, Europe is
on its way to becoming one big family.
Laeken Declaration setting up the Convention on the Future of Europe,
December 2001

Federalism might make eurosceptics laugh but, with the creation of the euro,
the halfway stage would be reached. Four key organisms would have a federal
or quasi-federal status: the Central Bank, the Court of Justice, The Commission
and the Parliament. Only one institution is missing: a federal government.
Jack Lang, Foreign Affairs spokesman, French National Assembly, 22 July 1997
A European currency will lead to member nations transferring their
sovereignty over financial and wage policy as well as monetary affairs. It is
an illusion to think that states can hold on to their autonomy.
Hans Tietmeyer, President of the Bundesbank, 1991

A free trade zone – precisely what we have been trying to avoid for the last
25 years.
Yves-Thibault de Silguy, commissioner for economic and monetary affairs, on the
consequences of a delay in EMU, 1997

The single currency is the greatest abandonment of sovereignty since the
foundation of the European Community…It is a decision of an essentially
political nature. We need this United Europe…we must never forget that
the euro is an instrument for this project.
Filipe Gonzales, former Spanish PM, May 1998

The process of monetary union goes hand in hand, must go hand in hand,
with political integration and ultimately political union. EMU is, and always
was meant to be, a stepping stone on the way to a united Europe.
Wim Duisenberg, ex-president, ECB

We must now face the difficult task of moving towards a single economy, a
single political entity…For the first time since the fall of the Roman Empire
we have the opportunity to unite Europe.

Romano Prodi, European Parliament, 13 October 1999
The introduction of the common currency was in no way just an economic
decision. Monetary Union is demanding that we Europeans press ahead
resolutely with political integration.
Gerhard Schröder, 30 August 1999

The introduction of the euro is probably the most important integrating
step since the beginning of the unification process. It is certain that the
times of individual national efforts regarding employment policies, social
and tax policies are definitely over. This will require us to finally bury some
erroneous ideas of national sovereignty.
Gerhard Schröder, Chancellor of Germany, The Hague, 19 January 1999

One must never forget that monetary union, which the two of us were the
first to propose more than a decade ago, is ultimately a political
project…Monetary union is a federative project that needs to be
accompanied & followed by other steps.
Giscard d’Estaing and Helmut Schmidt, International Herald Tribune, 14 October 1997

The euro is a conquest of sovereignty. It gives us a margin of manoeuvre.
It’s a tool to help us master globalisation and help us resist irrational shifts
in the market.
Dominique Strauss-Kahn, French finance minister, January 1999

The process of monetary union goes hand in hand, must go hand in hand,
with political integration and ultimately political union. EMU is, and always
was meant to be, a stepping stone on the way to a united Europe.
Wim Duisenberg, ex-president, ECB

A European currency will lead to member nations transferring their
sovereignty over financial and wage policy as well as monetary affairs. It is
an illusion to think that states can hold on to their autonomy.
Hans Tietmeyer, President of the Bundesbank, 1991

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Filed under : The Best of the Rest
By Ken
On January 21, 2005
At 10:15 am
Comments :
 

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5 Comments for this post

 
January 21st, 2005 at 10:42 am

Heh - I thought you might enjoy the set-up…

The point still stands, however, no matter how many quotes you find (and there are a lot more than just that little lot - especially from the ’40s and ’50s when full-on federalism actually seemed like a desirable long-term goal). Quotes are not the same as facts.

There is certainly a minority of politicians - even leading ones - who are so idealistic as to actually want to create a United States of Europe (Ted Heath being one), but they are becoming rarer and rarer as time goes by and realpolitik takes over. It’s simply unrealistic and undesirable for all but the most idealistic of politicians.

 
 
January 21st, 2005 at 11:03 am

Probably ought to clarify - further integration, yes, obviously, is an aim - including some semblance of political integration. But nowhere near as much as often seems to be claimed.

I don’t have any political philosophy reference works to hand to find the generally accepted definition of a political federation - but I’m fairly sure that by the broadest definition the EU already is one. What I am denying is the (peculiarly British) interpretation of the idea of a federal Europe being one in which nation states no longer hold any power or influence.

It’s somewhat complicated, this stuff, and I’m afraid I haven’t got time at the moment to explain any more clearly. I’ll give it a pop sometime though…

 
 
January 21st, 2005 at 11:26 am

Federalism is not really the point, the point is that the EU is on the road to become the full government of Britain and the other states. To deny that, which you are attempting to do, flows against all of the history of the EU itself, every single treaty drives this project forward every single treaty removes power from the states and gives it to the EU. What you are doing is to deny the Monnet Method, which was designed to achieve unity in Europe by slow inconsistent unconnected moves toward integration that can be explained as something other. By trying to place these moves back in time you are suggesting that this is not happening now when a glance at the Constitution will show you to be absolutely mistaken in this belief, also those in power in the EU are continuing to advocate integration to this day. So you are not supported on any level

 
 
January 21st, 2005 at 5:02 pm

At first we were evidently talking at cross purposes, now you seem to be deliberately missing the point…

“the EU is on the road to become the full government of Britain and the other states”

Not sure what you mean by “full government”. If you mean having control over the majority of policy areas, we are blatantly still a long way off. As for “on the road” – well, in the sense that there is still a drive towards further integration, the EU is indeed on the road somewhere, and this involves gaining more influence over certain policy areas, certainly. But not you, nor I, nor they know where this road will end up – unless you have a crystal ball, that is?

I am by no means suggesting that a move to further integration is not happening now, as it obviously is – the EU project is still in its early stages (and no one knows what the final stage will be because, as is obvious from this little discussion, no one can agree yet).

I’m just trying to point out the obvious - namely that what was true in the 1950s is not the case now. What I am suggesting – as I am fairly certain that it is true – is that the drive to further integration which is happening today is happening for very different motives than was the case 40-50 years ago – even than 20 years ago. Lest we forget, in the mid to late 1940s one of the prime advocates of a European union, complete with a common army and all the rest, was Winston Churchill; he later changed his mind.

The “Monnet method” may well still be in existence, but if so the timescale has been extended to the point of being inconsequential – as I said before, there isn’t a hope in hell of this happening in either of our lifetimes, or indeed for centuries. Yet he intended for everything to be sorted by the end of the twentieth century. This proved utterly unrealistic, so plans have changed.

Monnet was also, lest we forget, working in a bipolar, Cold War world, and many then believed that building Europe into a geographically large and coherent superstate to compete alongside the USA and USSR was the best way to get by. Times and opinions change.

A fully politically integrated United States of Europe seemed like a good idea then for the mutual protection of the entire continent (nuclear bombs have a tendency not to stop spreading their radiation at national borders). Now it is less necessary for defensive purposes (although cross-border policing thanks to drug, people-trafficking and terrorist networks strikes me as a good idea with which the EU can greatly assist), and hence far, far less desirable to national political elites who want to maintain their hold on power.

The EU is not the product of one man’s vision, but a multitude of constantly-shifting opinions. It seems that, by your logic, Monnet said x, so everything the EU has been doing since has been to promote x. I might point out that in the early 1980s Tony Blair was opposed to both the EU and the United States’ overseas influence. Has his sucking up to Bush and promotion of the EU constitution all been part of a masterplan to undermine both? Of course not – because times and opinions change.

 
 
January 22nd, 2005 at 12:56 am

We do not need a crystal ball the history and the present all flow in one direction and that is the EU being a super power in its own right with the member states being both locked in and subservient to the EU. That is the final stage as envisioned by the fathers of the European Union it is in their writing and there is no secret about that fact. All you are attempting to do is exactly what has been done since before we joined the Union and that is to misdirect.

A debate can be held as to the benefits of being a state in the United States of Europe with our government residing in Brussels against the benefits of autonomy for the Britain but we have never had such a debate simply because of the misdirection that has been and is still being used to deny the facts that we can see for ourselves.

Nothing has changed about the direction of the Union since the 1950`s at the Convention the president wanted to rename the EU “The United States of Europe” he lost the debate that time, but nothing will stop that debate being raised again. Gisela Stuart said of the Constitution which came out of the Convention;

“The Constitution is not just about institutional arrangements, but also the balance of power, values and objectives. This Constitution is unusual in that it also initiates processes for future development with the aim of deeper and ever closer integration. Where integration can be deepened no further, this text has rigid rules as for example in the list of exclusive competences of the Commission. Power at the centre cannot be returned to Member States. Where the political climate means that certain ideas for further integration are not yet acceptable, the Draft Constitution creates the structure for a process to develop later. An example of this is defence and foreign policy.”
So we can see that your argument is ill founded.

“This is not a State and is not intended to become a state” is the clarion call at each treaty, but each time we have a new treaty the areas that can be pointed to showing the EU is not a State get smaller and smaller this time it is just two areas Taxes and Defence. Last time they could have said there is no Constitution!

So what does it matter, if that is the case which is questionable, that they have dropped the idea of stopping war, as a motive, this has no effect on the principal on integration, that still goes on, motive is unimportant. We still find ourselves locked into the USE no matter the motive.

Winston Churchill was never a supporter of the Union he was a supporter of the Council of Europe it was Monnet and Schuman who approached members of that organisation in order to form a closer union, Churchill actually said if he had to choose between that organisation and the open sea he would choose the open sea. Later in 1963 de Gaulle referred to this when he said “Unless you are prepared to moor yourself off the coast of Europe, you are not really fit and ready to become a member of our European Community.”

Timescale There is and has always been an outline plan nothing has changed and nothing has stopped that plan from continuing right from the begging it was understood by the intergrationalist that forming the USE would take a very long time.

SOVEREIGNTY AND THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES FCO 30/1048 - 1971
The process outlined is an exceedingly long-term one, and depends upon
the continuing progressive development of the Community. For a very long
time - almost certainly until the end of the century - the major member states
would retain the practical “last resort” political possibility of succession
(albeit in probable breach of international obligations and with increasingly
damaging economic consequences for the defector). So long as the member state’s
participation is subject to national scrutiny and can in practice be withdrawn,
it may be said that the nation’s status as an equal and independent state
in the international community will be unaffected. Parliament’s power will
likewise survive; if Britain can in practice renounce the Treaty then the
Community laws which are applied automatically within the member states are
seen to depend upon the continuing (and pre-eminent) acquiescence of Parliament
which may in the last resort be withdrawn.
22. Even with the most dramatic development of the Community the major member
states can hardly lose the “last resort” ability to withdraw in much less
than three decades. The Community’s development could produce before then
a period in which the political practicability of withdrawal was doubtful.
If the point should ever be reached at which inability to renounce the Treaty
(and with it the degeneration of the national institutions which could opt
for such a policy) was clear, then sovereignty, external, parliamentary and
practical would indeed be diminished.
On some fronts the plan is on target on other in front and yet other slightly behind but Monnet`s influence is still very much an active part of the EU the Commision is Monnet`s idea he realised that the USE would never form itself what was needed was a High Authority which would act as the motor for integration, and that must be independent of any influence from member states governments because they were subject to the will of the people.

Times and opinions do change but this does not affect the direction or the intention of the EU it actually takes very few people in the right places to direct the process, according to Gisela Stuart there was a central core of four people in the Convention presidium, who directed everything that happened it was those people who decided what was discussed, what went in to the document and it was those four who powered it through the convention there was no voting either in the presidium or the convention. Several members of the presidium when presented with the finished drafted expressed their concern that it could only form at best an outline to be discussed at the IGC yet no sooner was the ink dry than the president was presenting it as the finished article that could not be unpicked.

And please do not ask me to explain Tony Blair I would not know where to begin

 

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